Stockholm, 16 Desember 2004

Assalamu'alaikum wr wbr.

Ahmad Sudirman
Stockholm - SWEDIA.



The sale by Britain of 100 Scorpion tanks to the brutal and corrupt Suharto regime in Indonesia was one of the most controversial arms deals of recent years, which immediately knocked a large hole in the Labour government's new-minted "ethical foreign policy". (David Leigh, Rob Evans and David Pallister, Tuesday December 7, 2004, The Guardian)

Dalam rangka menghantam Pemerintah Inggris yang dipimpin oleh Tony Blair dari Partai Buruh yang menjalankan dobel moral etika politik luar negeri, tiga orang penulis dan jurnalis The Gardian, David Leigh, Rob Evans dan David Pallister, telah meluncurkan seri tulisan yang menghantam etika politik luar negeri Pemerintah Inggris yang dobel moral. Dimana David Leigh, Rob Evans dan David Pallister caranya, melalui hantaman yang diarahkan kepada pemerintah Inggris sebelumnya yang dipimpin oleh John Major dari partai konservatif, disaat hari-hari kematian kekuasaannya John Major, berusaha menyelamatkan pabrik senjata terkemuka di Inggris Alvis, yang kalau tidak diselamatkan oleh Pemerintah akan mengalami kebangkrutan. Ternyata John Major memberikan persetujuannya kepada pihak Alvis untuk melakukan bisnis penjualan senjata dalam rangka menyelamatkan perusahaan Alvis dari kebangkrutan dan akan memberikan pekerjaan kepada 150 orang pekerja, tetapi akibat persetujuan penjualan senjata tank scorpion tersebut, maka secara langsung Pemerintah John Major telah melakukan tindakan kebijaksanaan politik yang dobel moral.

Nah untuk melicinkan bisnis penjualan senjata tank scorpion ini, pihak Alvis telah melakukan usaha pelicinan jalan yang dinamakan dengan istilah "pajak" sebesar 16,5 juta pound sterling (296,564,400,000 rupiah, kurs sekarang) kepada Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana alias Tutut melalui seorang agen Alvis di Indonesia Rini Soekardono. Alvis bukan hanya memberikan pelicin jalan kepada mbak Tutut saja, melainkan juga kepada pihak pitinggi TNI. Dimana pembayaran uang pelicin ini dilakukan melalui nomor rekening luar negeri yang dikelola oleh perusahaan anonim Shell yang termasuk juga didalamnya perusahaan Global Select dan Basque.

Setelah perjanjian penjualan 100 tank scorpion ditandatangani pada tahun 1996, yang dananya diperoleh dari jaminan eksport kredit Departemen Perdagangan dan Industri Inggris (export credits guarantee department), dua tahun kemudian, tahun 1998 Jenderal Soeharto bersama mbak Tutut digulingkan dari puncak pimpinan Eksekutif negara RI. Memang pihak Alvis mendapat uang pembayaran kontan untuk 100 tank scorpion sebanyak 160 juta pound sterling (2,875,776,000,000 rupiah, kurs sekarang) dari kas ECGD (export credits guarantee department) Departemen Perdagangan dan Industri Inggris. Tetapi, karena sejak Jenderal Soeharto digulingkan, ekonomi RI menjadi kalangkabut dan RI jatuh kedalam lumpur hutang, maka rakyat Inggris melalui uang pajaknya yang harus membayar uang pembayaran tank scorpion yang masih bersisa 93 juta pound sterling lagi kepada kas export credits guarantee department (ECGD) milik Departemen Perdagangan dan Industri Inggris. Dan menurut ECGD yang baru dibayarkan oleh pihak RI sebanyak 7 juta pound sterling.

Celakanya, itu tank-tank scorpion yang waktu dibuat perjanjian jual beli secara eklusif dinyatakan tidak akan dipakai untuk membunuh, ternyata dalam kenyataannya oleh Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, ketika masa Abdurrahman Wahid, megawati dan sekarang masa Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono sendiri dipakai untuk membunuh rakyat Acheh dan menduduki Negeri Acheh.

Nah sekarang kelihatan jelas itu para petinggi TNI dan juga mbak Tutut yang mendapat uang pelicin dari Perusahaan senjata Alvis agar bisa meloloskan tank-tank scorpion masuk kedalam sarang TNI, yang nantinya dipakai untuk membunuh rakyat Acheh oleh Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Endriartono Sutarto dan Ryamizard Ryacudu.

Memang akhirnya yang harus menanggung pembayaran ongkos pembelian 100 tank scorpion adalah rakyat Inggris melalui uang pajaknya, bukan Mbak Tutut atau Soeharto, atau para petinggi TNI yang dapat uang suap dari Alvis.

Jadi, memang seharusnya itu mbak Tutut dan para petinggi TNI yang harus kena jaring masuk ke Nusa kambangan.

Hanya persoalannya sekarang, apakah itu Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dengan Inspres No.5/2004 tentang Percepatan Pemberantasan Korupsi berani menjebloskan mbak Tutut dan para petinggi TNI tersebut ke Nusa kambangan atau tidak, dan mempertanggungjawabkan pemakaian tank scorpion dipakai membunuh rakyat Acheh dan menduduki Negeri Acheh.

Bagi yang ada minat untuk menanggapi silahkan tujukan atau cc kan kepada agar supaya sampai kepada saya dan bagi yang ada waktu untuk membaca tulisan-tulisan saya yang telah lalu yang menyinggung tentang Khilafah Islam dan Undang Undang Madinah silahkan lihat di kumpulan artikel di HP

Hanya kepada Allah kita memohon pertolongan dan hanya kepada Allah kita memohon petunjuk, amin *.*


Ahmad Sudirman

Tank deal that blew hole in ethical policy.
Suharto's corrupt regime had Labour over a legal barrel, but British taxpayers footed the bill and Indonesian rebels paid the price.

David Leigh, Rob Evans and David Pallister
Tuesday December 7, 2004
The Guardian

The sale by Britain of 100 Scorpion tanks to the brutal and corrupt Suharto regime in Indonesia was one of the most controversial arms deals of recent years, which immediately knocked a large hole in the Labour government's new-minted "ethical foreign policy".

The Indonesian army used the light tanks to suppress rebellions, breaking explicit promises made to the British government.

The sale made L160m revenue for Alvis and preserved 150 jobs for a while at their plant in Coventry.

But the 1996 deal, promoted by the enthusiastic arms traders of the John Major Conservative government in its dying days, plunged Indonesia further into debt. The country hit a financial crisis the following year and was forced to reschedule with its creditors.

As a result, although Alvis got its cash, the British taxpayer was left to pay L93m, thanks to a government guarantee through the Department of Trade and Industry's export credits guarantee department (ECGD).

The ECGD say they hope the money will be repaid by Indonesia at some point in the future. Only L7m has so far been handed over.

Many of the senior figures in the then Conservative cabinet were implicated in the decision over the Indonesia deal. It was discussed by John Major personally, according to Richard Needham, a Conservative trade minister at the time.

Mr Needham said he gave the Alvis deals his blessing because the company claimed it would not survive otherwise. The Ministry of Defence supported him, he wrote later, saying they wanted to preserve more than one armoured vehicle supplier for the British army.

But by the time the fleet of light tanks came to be delivered, Robin Cook had entered office as Labour foreign secretary, pledging an ethical foreign policy.

Indonesia was seen by campaigners as a litmus test of his ideals. But eventually, citing legal advice that they could not cancel an existing contract without paying compensation, the Blair government pleaded that it was helpless to stop the shipments.

Contrary to repeated assurances by the Indonesians, the Scorpions were used to crush rebellions in East Timor and Aceh, two provinces fighting for independence.

The Indonesians also used Hawk fighter planes - controversially sold to them by BAE Systems - against the insurgents, despite the same assurances.

The Blair government was severely embarrassed last year when the Indonesians deployed 36 of the Scorpions to crush rebels fighting for independence in the Aceh province. The tanks were regarded as being particularly useful in towns and the forests of the region.

At the time, a senior Indonesian military spokesman told the Guardian: "They will become a key part of our campaign to finish off the separatists. They will be used for for the benefit of the people of Aceh and restoring peace to the province."

The British government looked on helplessly, but Indonesian generals had often previously stressed that they had no intention of complying with non-binding assurances made to the British government.

Susan Hawley, of the campaigning group the Corner House, said: "This deal seems to sum up everything which is wrong with the arms trade. The Indonesian regime made a mockery of the licensing system controlling the trade, and then to cap it all, the British public has so far had to foot the bill."

Although there has been substantially greater transparency over details of arms transfers since Mr Cook's tenure, with publication of arms exports and licensing decisions, his ethical foreign policy nevertheless took a blow from the Indonesia debacle from which he found it hard to recover.

Regarded as a bulwark against communism in Asia, General Suharto stole up to $35bn (L18bn) from his impoverished country during his three decades in power, according to estimates by Transparency International, the anti-corruption organisation.

His six children and other associates were regularly accused of amassing billions of dollars through state contracts and monopolies.

Suharto was forced to resign in 1998. Attempts by successive Indonesian governments to investigate his family's wealth since have repeatedly stalled for lack of political will, according to the critics.

He was charged with looting up to $500m from the state through various charities controlled by his family, but the judges ruled that he was too ill to stand trial.

Alvis themselves did not survive as an independent company. This year, they were bought out by BAE Systems and their long-serving chief executive Nick Prest left the company this autumn.

BAE, with its sales of Hawk, has been even more closely enmeshed over the years in relations with the Indonesian military, one of the British arms industry's traditional customers, along with Oman, the Gulf States and Saudi Arabia.

Sellers and users
1995/6: Alvis clinches deal to sell 100 Scorpions to Indonesia
1997: Robin Cook decides deal cannot be cancelled, citing advice from lawyers, as it had been approved by previous Tory government
1998: Scorpions used to crush protesters in Jakarta in May and November
2003: Indonesia deploys 36 Scorpion tanks against separatists in Aceh - an Indonesian colonel admitted that the British would probably "have a fit"

UK firm accused of L16m arms bribe.
Court documents said to reveal Suharto fee

Rob Evans, David Leigh and David Pallister
Tuesday December 7, 2004
The Guardian

A leading British arms manufacturer is accused of paying a L16m bribe to sell tanks to Indonesia, the high court heard yesterday. Alvis plc is fighting to prevent the Guardian gaining access to court documents about the L160m sale of Scorpion tanks to the then Suharto regime in Jakarta.

The records are said to detail offshore payments to former President Suharto's daughter, known as "Tutut".

An initial attempt by Alvis to have yesterday's hearing before Mr Justice Park held in secret was eventually dropped.

The court heard the president's daughter was allegedly referred to in coded messages as "The Lady" and that Alvis's chief executive referred to the payments as the "tax".

Mr Justice Park said yesterday that the word "bribe" had not been used by any witnesses in related proceedings he presided over: "Any allegation of that sort is strenuously denied by Alvis."

The court then heard a list of allegations that had surfaced in a previously unreported court case. These were that:
 Alvis Vehicles paid L16.5m for the benefit of Siti Hardiyanti "Tutut" Rukmana, the eldest daughter of the former Indonesian president
 These payments were made into offshore accounts maintained by anonymous shell companies with names including Global Select and Basque
 Alvis admitted making these payments to the benefit of "Tutut", referred to in coded messages as "The Lady"
 Nick Prest, Alvis's chief executive, described these payments as the "tax"
 Lionel Steele, Alvis's international sales manager, described similar payments to Indonesian army personnel as an "incentive"
 Alvis had argued that the payments through an Indonesian local agent, Rini Soekardono, were the reason Alvis secured contracts from the Indonesian government in 1995 and 1996 to supply Scorpion armoured fighting vehicles.

The allegations arose because a former Alvis agent, Singapore businessman Chan U Seek, recently sued Alvis over the Scorpion sale, claiming he was entitled to commission. Chan U Seek's barrister argued that witness statements presented to the court showed payments had been made to Suharto's daughter.

Shortly afterwards, Alvis made a confidential settlement with their opponent and both sides now say they are prevented from discussing the case.

Anthony Hudson, the newspaper's counsel, told the court the Guardian wanted access to the court records so that it could fully understand the case, and accurately report the Chan U Seek proceedings. "There have been very serious allegations of alleged bribes of L16.5m."

Stuart Ritchie, for Alvis, asked for the Guardian to be refused permission, saying there was an "uneasy tension" between the paper's professed basis for seeking disclosure and the true basis.

Mr Justice Park said he was concerned that the Guardian was not really interested in a law report about the Chan U Seek proceedings: "There is a potentially newsworthy story lurking behind the case".

He continued: "From a journalistic point of view, the motives and purposes of the Guardian are admirable." But, he suggested, the paper could not succeed in getting access to court files merely because there was a newsworthy story.

Mr Hudson said the court rules allowed anyone to inspect the court file of a public hearing, with the judge's permission "if we can demonstrate there is a legitimate interest".

Mr Justice Park, who sat during yesterday's hearing with a file of the undisclosed Alvis witness statements by his side, said that if the contents of the files had been read out in full in open court, any member of the public could order a transcript even years after the case.

Mr Hudson, agreeing, said: "Refusing to permit the Guardian to inspect would discourage publication of fair and accurate reports."

The case continues today, when Alvis, now owned by BAE Systems, is due to present its argument that the Guardian is not entitled to the documents.